ECREA16-Abstract

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PP 572

The Framing of Women in Strategic Communication on War and Violent Conflict – A Reproduction of Harmful Gender Stereotypes?

Results from an International Large-Scale Framing Analysis

R. Fröhlich

Ludwig Maximilian University Munich, Communication Science and Media Research, Munich, Germany

In accordance with traditional social perceptions of gender, media coverage on war tends to construct men as active participants in wars and conflicts

(fighters, aggressors, offenders, active defenders, warrantors of security). Men (in particular the military) are also even considered as promoters of war

(Fröhlich, 2010). In contrast, women are perceived as a “pacifying influence”(Sjoberg et al., 2007, p. 2) – as if they naturally oppose war, are peace-loving

and resistant to violence, suffer from violence, need protection, etc. This notion is criticised as being a masculine, authoritarian idea, since the appeal for

protection and/or shelter often serves as a political and/or humanitarian justification for military intervention and war (cf. Tickner, 1992, 2001). Despite

there being very little empirical evidence, some authors conclude that the media are largely used to promote wars and to obtain public support for military

interventions, in particular by conveying stereotypical pleas for military intervention to protect and/or free innocent women (and children) and to re-es‑

tablish security (e.g. Cloud, 2004; Klaus & Kassel, 2005; Orford, 1999; Stabile & Kumar, 2005). For instance, Young (2003, p. 2) argues “that an exposition

of the gendered logic of the masculine role of protector in relation to women and children illuminates the meaning and effective appeal of a security state

that wages war abroad and expects obedience and loyalty at home”. So far, we have some empirical studies on the gendered character of media coverage

on war (cf. Fröhlich, 2010). What is missing is research on the supposed gendered communication of respective national and international strategic actors

– from political institutions and military to a lot of other relevant (political) players in this field – which are important sources of war correspondents and

conflict journalists. If the assumption is true that the appeal for protection of women often serves as a political and/or humanitarian justification for war,

one should be able to find those “justifications” in the strategic material (PR, Press releases, flyer, propaganda material, websites etc.) of those actors and

sources. Thus, this paper will present results from a big international content analytical project on the gendered nature of strategic communication on war

and violent conflict. Here, not the media coverage on war is in the centre of interest but its sources: political parties, governments and ministries, military

experts and institutions, relevant NGOs etc. With Sjoberg (2011, p. 110), the project acts on the assumption that even organisations and states are or can

become gendered. As a consequence, we conclude that the strategic communication of organisations, states, institutions etc. on war and violent conflict is

also gendered. It is the first large-scale internationally comparative study ever on gender-related content of strategic communication in the field of war and

violent conflict. On the basis of a big-data project, we analysed more than 200.000 publicly available texts from over 400 different strategic communicators

dealing with six particular international violent conflicts including the current war in Syria and resurgence of fighting in the Great Lakes region in Africa.

PP 573

New Public Spheres and Anti-Democratic Voices: Antifeminism on the Internet

R. Drüeke

, C. Peil

University of Salzburg, Department of Communication Studies, Salzburg, Austria

In the past few years, online debates on gender topics – be it onTwitter and other social media platforms or in the comments of newspaper’s articles – have

increasingly been infiltrated by antifeminist positions. When in Austria the famous pop star Andreas Gabalier refused to sing the recently adjusted, gender

neutral version of the national anthem and the Federal Minister for Education and Women's Affairs, Gabriele Heinisch-Hosek, reprimanded him publicly

for his wording on her Facebook site, her profile as well as other related websites became well frequented sites of agitation against ‘gender-delusion’ and

general principles of equal treatment.This is just one example of antifeminist actors making use of the internet, and social media in particular, to make their

cause visible and to effectively communicate it. Since the 1990s, the democracy-promoting benefits of the internet have been repeatedly discussed and

analyzed in academia. So far, however, online communication practices of anti-democratic movements like antifeminism that do not aim at justice, but at

re-establishing social inequalities, have been rarely taken into account. Against this background, the objective of the proposed contribution is to shed light

on the communicative construction of antifeminism not only through ideological views and certain lines of arguments, but also through the specific uses

of online media and their well-known characteristics such as immediacy, anonymity, accessibility, and addressability. The paper is based on two recent case

studies from Austria that help to illustrate the specific use of online media by antifeminist actors and networks.The case studies include the aforementioned

online debates on the gender neutral version of the national anthem as well as the controversy over the use of gender-neutral language in schoolbooks

and official documents, which was also repeatedly discussed online. Theoretically, the study draws on the assumption of a co-existence of different publics,

varying in scale and scope, which all contribute to the self-understanding of society (cf. Fraser 1996; Klaus 2006). Furthermore it refers to hegemony-critical

approaches of public sphere that will be conceptually enhanced for the consideration of both democratic and antidemocratic publics (cf. Laclau/Mouffe

2006). The methodology includes both a quantitative and a qualitative content analysis of antifeminist interventions on websites, in online comments,

and social media. The findings reveal specific forms of mediated communication, representation and network structures as well as narratives and lines

of arguments that clearly connect to gender debates in traditional media. In particular, they are proof of a vehement rejection of feminism and gender

related issues which are perceived as dogmatic, overpowering and discriminatory against men while privileging women. Furthermore, the study shows

that the antifeminist acts of expression in online media increase the visibility and reach of minority positions. In summary, we will provide a comprehensive

insight into the communicative practices and reasoning patterns of antidemocratic voices on the internet who seek to intrude and influence the hegemonic

public sphere.