ECREA16-Abstract

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Friday, November 11

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PP 435

A Reinforcing Spiral of Cynicism? Investigating the Relationship Between Soft and Alternative News Consumption and Trust

L. Otto

, M. Maier

University of Koblenz-Landau, Institute for Communication Psychology, Landau, Germany

The relationship between media consumption and political as well as media trust has been investigated intensively since the 1970ies when the media-mal‑

aise hypothesis claimed negative effects of news media consumption on political trust (Robinson, 1976). However, the simple claim of a general, one-di‑

rectional relationship could be criticized for at least two reasons. First, it is unclear which characteristics of the media may influence political cynicism and

media trust; it is claimed that first and foremost characteristics of soft and alternative news negatively affect political trust and media trust, however studies

investigating specific characteristics and their effects on trust are rare (Boukes & Boomgaarden, 2014; Jebril, Albaek, & De Vreese, 2013; Tsfati, Tukachinsky,

& Peri, 2009). Second, causality remains unclear: Does the consumption of (soft and alternative) news affect media trust and political cynicism, or do

low-trusters prefer soft and alternative news over mainstreammedia and hard news or do both processes – selection and effect – run at the same time? In

this study, we attempt to clarify the relationship between the usage of political news, media trust, and political trust applying the reinforcing spirals model

as conceptual framework (Slater, 2007, 2014). The main research questions are: a) Do citizens select media items depending on high- or low-trust tenden‑

cies towards media and politics (selective exposure)? b) Does the reception of certain, trust-relevant media contents affect media and political trust (media

effects)? c) Do both processes interact as a reinforcing spiral? Special attention will is given to the selection and effects of “soft” in comparison to “hard”

news and of “alternative” in comparison to “mainstream”media. While the distinction between hard and soft news focuses on the development of media

contents and styles from objective and issue-centered to more negative, person-centered and opinionated news, the distinction between mainstream and

alternative media takes into account the increasing relevance of anti-mainstream media products provided by non-established sources that call for social

change (Kleemans & Hendriks Vettehen, 2009; Reinemann, Stanyer, Scherr, & Legnante, 2011; Tsfati & Peri, 2006). We assume that the characteristics

of soft news (e.g., negativity) will negatively affect political trust. Alternative media, that is anti-elite and anti-mainstream media (Tsfati & Peri, 2006), are

expected to affect both political trust and (mainstream) media trust. Our analysis is based on the assessment of participants’(N=130) media consumption

as well as trust in politicians, political cynicism and media trust in Germany. Data is collected via a mobile app on a daily basis for one week in order to get

a fine grained measurement of both, media diet and trust variables and to clarify the question, (1) which media characteristics affect political cynicism and

media trust as well as (2) which media characteristics attract high- and low-trusters. The results will be analyzed using latent growth curve modelling to

investigate media selection and effects over time. Content analysis of the received items furthermore allow us to investigate which characteristics of news

media do exactly have an effect and attract participants with low and high trust.

PP 436

Democratic Responsibility in a Divided Society: Exploring Trust and Distrust in Northern Ireland’s Public Sphere

C. Rice

Coventry University, Centre for Trust- Peace & Social Relations, Coventry, United Kingdom

Extant research highlights that public trust is low in institutions commonly considered important for democratic health i.e. government and the media

(e.g. Norris, 2011) and a strong research base indicates that the news media has at least some effect on political trust and vice versa (e.g. Avery, 2009;

Ceron and Memoli, 2015). The media are considered to play a crucial democratic role in the public sphere (Lunt and Livingstone, 2013); as the key vehicle

for representing political issues to the public (Gelders et al. 2007), facilitating deliberation, public opinion formation and political participation (Habermas,

1989); acting as the 'watchdog' of powerful societal institutions (Davis, 2007). The media is particularly important, it is argued, within politically fragile,

divided or post-conflict societies where there is a legacy of institutional and societal distrust (Taylor, 2009; Gormley-Heenan and Devine, 2010). In these

contexts, the media can either aid the development of civil society, or promote further public distrust in political institutions (Hanitzsch and Berganza, 2012;

Wolfsfeld, 2004). Accordingly, statistics suggest worryingly high levels of distrust in both the media and the power-sharing government in post-conflict

Northern Ireland (NISRA, 2015). We also know that those who perceive themselves to have little knowledge of Northern Ireland government regularly use

traditional news mediums to access information (Ipsos MORI, 2010). This raises issues, currently under-researched, about public confidence and a potential

political communication deficit, particularly concerning given the current 'uneasy peace' and ongoing sectarian divides in the region; there is a continuing

need for a full transition from a contested past to a shared future for all Northern Ireland citizens. The main objectives of this paper are: 1. To explore how

media, government and community stakeholders understand trust and distrust in their relationships with each other in Northern Ireland. 2. To consider

how the perceptions held by each group impacts on their interactions with each other. 3. To consider the implications of these interactions on the quality

of Northern Ireland’s political communication. This paper addresses these issues through semi-structured interviews with 3 distinct groups: political jour‑

nalists, government communicators and community leaders (as public representatives) (n~30). Interview data is thematically analysed and reported.

Preliminary findings suggest that in Northern Ireland’s consociational system, the absence of a formal political opposition, together with the mandatory

nature of the multi-party coalition, means that the media is perceived by political and media actors in unique ways, notably as the unofficial opposition.This

perception, alongside a history of violent conflict and a government made up of 'ethnic tribune parties' (Mitchell et al. 2009) in turn fuels: distrustful inter‑

actions between government and media; the way political elites try to 'manage' the media; the media’s approach to reporting government; and ultimately,

the degree of public trust in both government and the media. The paper proposes a number of theoretical and practical implications and recommendations

following these findings for Northern Ireland’s post-conflict public sphere and for other divided/post-conflict democracies. Moreover, given concerns about

the global 'democratic deficit' (Norris, 2011), this study provides important insights applicable more widely.