57 / 658
55
Friday, November 11
1 4 : 3 0 – 1 6 : 0 0
(“living lab”). Afterwards, we interviewed them to retrieve information about the content dimension of their second screen use as well as to assess their
motives and experiences. Our data shows that three types of attention distribution between first and second screen can be identified: (1) recipients who
direction the majority of their attention to television as their first screen; (2) recipients who distribute their attention evenly between the two screens; and
(3) recipients who are predominantly focused on their mobile devices as their second screen and therefore challenging the first screen-second screen ter‑
minology. The results also show that 81 percent of the attention spans (n = 11’476) last five seconds maximum. Longer attention spans are mostly directed
towards the second screen. In summary, we found that the second screen challenges the first screen on a visual level while adding to the user experience
on an auditory level.
PS 015
Exploring Visual Orders and Everyday Tactics in Instagram
E. Vainikka
1
, E. Noppari
1
, J. Seppänen
1
1
University of Tampere, School of Communication- Media and Theatre, Tampere, Finland
With growing practices in personal photography and photo-sharing, we have become increasingly aware of the ways in which we visually present ourselves
and the objects surrounding us. The mobile photo-sharing app Instagram emphasizes the importance of visual self-presentation (Marwick, 2015: 143)
when compared, for example, with more textual blogs. At the same time, as we publish more images, our means of visual representation have also become
standardized or increasingly formalistic, for example, in ‘the selfie’. In this study we investigated use of Instagram and, more specifically, we looked into
tactics and practices of Instagram use. Instagram is a mobile app where users post photos and follow other users’ photo feeds. In analyzing the empirical
material, we use Michel de Certeau’s (1984) theory of tactics and strategies. Strategies are used in organizational power structures and tactics are employed
by those who are subject to these power structures, as a way of navigating in situations of everyday life, in the limited space governed by more strategic
relations (de Certeau 1984: xix). In this study, the Instagram app, owned by Facebook, is the holder of strategic power and its users make use of individual
tactics when operating in the context of the app. The end result, photos and communications, is born both from the users and from the influence of the in‑
frastructure of the app (cf.Van Dijck 2013: 11–13).We examined everyday practices of Instagramuse through qualitative interviews (five focused interviews
with adult novice users, two focus group interviews of more advanced teenage users). In addition to interviews, we also observed and analyzed Instagram
pictures posted by the informants and their pictures were used as incentives in the interview situations. The use of Instagram is very carefully thought out,
as our informants in this study have noted. People carefully consider what pictures to post and what kind of personal presence to create in the app, they use
different kinds of tactics when adapting to the new social media service and when navigating there. In essence, it is also a question of visual orders (Sep‑
pänen, 2006: 16–17) which control what is appropriate expression in a specific context.The notion of an everyday life tactic fits well with our understanding
of social media practices, where most often the online space is controlled by strategic power, such as the commercial owner of the space, the business logic
behind it, and the infrastructure of the service. Users themselves operate tactically in this space, with its own limitations and affordances, and also silent
rules, such as conventions of use and visual orders. People use, for example, privacy tactics and social tactics, when negotiating how to use the Instagram
app. Specific visual practices, such as the use of Instagram, operate in the wider visual order of a society. In practice, the visual order becomes apparent in
how people limit what they post on Instagram.
PS 016
Mapping Individualized Media Repertoires: An Integrative Analytical Framework
J. Vogelgesang
1
, F. Mangold
2
, M. Scharkow
1
1
University of Hohenheim, Stuttgart, Germany
2
University of Hohenheim, Communication, Stuttgart, Germany
Phenomena such as digitalization, convergence, mobile media and social media have dramatically altered the media landscape. Since more control over
media and content selection has been given in recipients’ hands, highly individualized, i.e. fragmented and polarized, media use patterns have emerged.
Research, however, has only recently adopted a comprehensive repertoire approach that addresses patterns of media use, rather than the selection of a sin‑
gle medium over others. Therefore, it is widely unknown how recipients navigate through today’s multimedia landscape by combing different media
into coherent patterns of use. Moreover, prior studies have not been particularly successful in mapping media repertoires’ internal architectures and their
antecedents; findings were somewhat incoherent and inconsistent. This is at least partly attributable to a lack of an integrative analytical framework.
Despite progress in recent years (e.g. Hasebrink & Popp, 2006; Taneja, Webster, Malthouse & Ksiazek 2012), it is still up-to-debate how media repertoires
are best modeled – both theoretically and empirically. Given this shortcoming, the paper introduces an alternative analytical framework for mapping and
explaining individualized media repertoires. This framework is integrative in nature; it combines theoretical work by Rosengren, Wenner and Palmgreen
(1985), Weibull (1985), McQuail (2001), Hasebrink and Popp (2006) as well as Webster’s (2009) adaption of Giddens’(1984) ‘theory of structuration’. Key to
the framework is the construct of media orientation that shows up in consistent patterns of media usage and, hence, reflects the internal architecture and
coherence of media repertoires. Media orientation is conceptualized as an affinity for certain media, content types and modes of use. Since the multiplicity
of today’s media landscape precludes any single explanation, media orientation is considered as a multidimensional construct.This construct comprises – in
line with Hasebrink and Popp (2006) – specific combinations of few guiding principles which help recipients to reduce the high complexity of abundant
choice options. As such, media orientation prestructures media use and provides the connection between individuals’personal and social situation (includ‑
ing media-related needs), media structure (available channels, content etc.), and the concrete media choices made on a daily basis. How the analytical
framework can be put into practice is shown by applying it to the study of news consumption. The application relies on survey data of the Eurobarometer