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Saturday, November 12

1 6 : 0 0 – 1 7 : 3 0

newsroom ethnography carried out by a member of staff within the organisation, this paper proposes that gatekeeping is something that journalists still

engage in, but this does not adequately depict the extent of practices journalists now undertake in the digital world. This is something that academics

should also be concerned with. The research examines the BBC’s use of citizen journalism and user generated content throughout the Syria crisis and other

recent conflicts to further define journalistic practices. Findings suggests BBC staff have a crucial role to play in terms of ensuring accurate content goes to

air given the floods of information to which audiences are subjected. Results also suggests BBC journalists have retained some kind of ‘sentry role’in terms

of gatekeeping - even if it is only monitoring and dictating what content is included in their own reports and broadcasts. Journalists remain the gatekeepers

of their own news product, but also acknowledge that the audience are potentially active ‘produsers’ or gatewatchers (Bruns 2005, 2011) of media. This

echoes Coddington and Holton’s hypothesis that gatekeeping in the future could involve“recasting it as an interpretative role that uses verification, analysis

and content to regulate information, as gatekeeping’s main concern shifts from the quantity of information to its quality”(2013:5). Despite many challeng‑

es, this research proposes that gatekeeping roles will continue, but associated practices must be more responsive and flexible; much like the journalists

themselves carrying out their work with new, additional duties.

PP 674

Paying for Online News: A Comparative Analysis of Six Countries

R. Fletcher

1

, R.K. Nielsen

1

1

University of Oxford, Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism, Oxford, United Kingdom

Private news media across the world are trying to develop pay models for news, as advertising revenues alone look insufficient to sustain existing forms

of professional journalistic news production (Herbert and Thurman 2007, Swatman et al 2006, Myllylathi 2014). Both popular and elite newspapers (like

Bild and the New York Times) and digital-online news sites (like DeCorrespondent and MediaPart) are experimenting with pay models, including hard or

metered paywalls, freemium models, memberships, and micropayments. Yet, with some variation country to country, only a minority of people are paying

for online news (Newman et al 2015), prompting analysts to question whether pay models will ever work in a media environment where many have

become accustomed to free news (e.g. Pickard andWilliams 2014). Our understanding of what drives pay behaviour and attitudes across different markets,

however, remains limited. Most previous studies, while valuable, have used surveys with a small number of respondents and do not explore whether find‑

ings are consistent across countries (e.g. Chyi 2005, Chyi 2012, Goyanes 2015, Kammer et al 2015). In this paper, we use data from the 2015 Reuters Institute

Digital News Report to analyse factors related to paying for online news and expressing a willingness to pay for news in the future. We conduct the analysis

across a strategic sample of six different high-income democracies with different media systems: United Kingdom, United States, Germany, Spain, France,

and Japan. We focus in particular on the possible role of people’s reference price for news (the price people consider reasonable to pay) (Kalyanaram and

Winer 1995, Mazumdar et al 2005, Samphanier et al 2007), and investigate three hypotheses: (1) that people who already pay for print newspapers are

more likely to pay for/express a willingness to pay for online news because they have a reference price above zero. (2) that people who rely on public service

media for online news are less likely to pay for/express a willingness to pay for online news because they have a reference price of zero, and (3) that younger

people are more likely to pay for/express a willingness to pay for online news because they are accustomed to a reference price of above zero for other forms

of digital content, such as music and video download/streaming services. Controlling for a number of demographic, socioeconomic, and news consumption

variables, we find that in all six countries (1) paying for (offline) newspapers is strongly and positively associated with paying for online news and expressing

a willingness to pay for online news, (2) that there is no significant negative association between using public service news and paying for online news and

expressing a willingness to pay for online news, (3) that younger age groups are consistently more likely to pay for online news and express a willingness to

pay for online news. Hypotheses 1 and 3 are thus supported, while hypothesis 2 is not. We conclude by noting some limitations of the analysis and discuss

the wider implications for digital journalism and its commercial underpinnings.